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[原创] 遥远的杀戮——浅谈拿破仑时代的步枪曲射

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发表于 2015-7-18 22:02:56 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
理论:
Decker, Die Artillerie für alle Waffen – Erster Theil – Die reine Artillerie, Berlin 1816, p. 267
如果端平步枪或瞄准人体中间位置,子弹会在200-250步(1普步=0.76米)距离上首次落地,它在平地上能够反弹两三次,最终停在400-500步距离上。要是子弹射击轨迹为弧线,它就有可能依靠普通装药打到1000步以外。

实战:

七年战争老兵滕佩尔霍夫将军注意到,
Massenbach, Memoiren zur Geschichte des Preussischen Staats unter den Regierungen Friedrich Wilhelm II. und Friedrich Wilhelm III., Amsterdamm 1809, p. 504
在战斗中开火和在训练场上开火完全不一样,尽管我们是在训练场上进行作战教学的。推进中的步兵时常在距离敌军800步时射击,至少也会频繁在600步距离上射击。通常情况下,人们认为这样的射击是无益的,然而,这种看法并不对。枪弹只要能够打到人,不管是平射还是曲射,都能够造成死伤。

德克尔在书中表示
Decker, Die Artillerie für alle Waffen – Erster Theil – Die reine Artillerie, Berlin 1816, p. 267
法国人是精于此道的行家,因此,他们有时候能够打伤我军官兵,而我们甚至都无法发觉子弹从何而来。然而,那些伤员多数只是挫伤,造成的实际损害有限。

滑铁卢战役期间的普鲁士第四军参谋长瓦伦蒂尼在其书中描述
Valentini, Die Lehre vom Krieg, Erster Theil, Der kleine Krieg und die Gefechtslehre, 4. Auflage, Leipzig 1820, p. 77
现有条令第45节禁止步兵在300步以外距离上射击的命令绝不适用于散兵……在革命战争中,当地形不允许我军接近敌军时,法国人在500-600步距离上朝我军射击,打伤了我军官兵,我军在对付敌军时也应当能做到这一点。

既然伤害有限,为何法军会热衷于此呢?
我们不妨读一下格奈泽瑙的报告:
格奈泽瑙在萨尔费尔德战斗中指挥一个连的燧发枪兵,在1807年2月27日向国王的报告中,他指出
Pertz, Das Leben des Feldmarschalls Grafen Neithardt von Gneisenau - Erster Band, Berlin 1864, p. 668
那些不瞄准的曲射子弹很少能够命中,但仅仅凭借庞大数量就能够打伤很多人,让我军相当紧张

众所周知,决定战斗胜负的往往并非死伤多少而是士气高低,由此我们也不难理解法军做法,以下为普军冯·博尔克(von Borcke)少尉关于耶拿会战的记载,从中我们可以管窥其作用
Borcke, Kriegerleben des Johann von Borcke, Berlin 1888, p. 30
然而(在注意到敌军的炮弹正从头顶上飞过之前),敌军散兵的子弹已从非常远的距离上命中我军,敌军部署在战场上的灌木丛中,遮蔽着我军视野,因此观察不到他们,对一无所知的我军而言,似乎这些子弹自天而降。在这样的火力下,看不到敌军这件事给我军士兵留下了很坏的感觉,因为他们对这种作战方式一无所知,所以失去了对自己枪支的信任,立刻感受到敌军的优势。在本已糟糕的处境下,他们很快丧失了勇气、耐力和团结,始终等不到轮到自己开火的时候,我军很快就处于不利境地。

自然,这种做法也并非法军专利,奥曼(Oman)的半岛战争史中也曾记载英军在1813年12月10日阿尔康格(Arcangues)战斗有效利用曲射驱赶法军炮兵:
Oman, Charles: A History of the Peninsular War, Volume 7, p.242-3
它们(法军火炮)处于距离教堂大约400码(约360米)的低地上。法军刚开炮,就遭到第43步兵团的三组士兵齐射。尽管那一时期的武器远不能在这一距离上做到准确射击,但较高的射击轨迹会让子弹飞得更远。倾泻在法军炮群上的子弹数量极大,炮手开始迅速死伤,最终离开了火炮……未加瞄准但有所指挥的齐射被证明极具破坏性……一段时间后,敌军再度尝试让炮群前进,但遭遇弹雨后又被逐出视野范围。

法军迪马(Dumas)中校则在实地观察阿尔康格后得出结论
Dumas, Neuf mois a la suite du Marechal Soult, p.275
英军步枪的射击距离可以估计为超过560米,这样的远距离射击在第一帝国老兵中广为人知,他们也时常加以实践,尽管会经常遭到主官的阻扰(译者注:担心弹药消耗过多 )

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 楼主| 发表于 2015-7-18 22:04:54 | 显示全部楼层
感谢napoleon-series.org论坛Hans - Karl Weiss先生对相关资料的整理
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发表于 2015-7-18 22:28:09 来自手机 | 显示全部楼层
impressive 不可思议 从来没想过可以打那么远
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发表于 2015-7-19 18:52:44 | 显示全部楼层
我记得一战的时候,重机枪还有这种间接射击战术,用于预设阵地防御,事先测定好杀伤区域,似乎能打到2500米
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 楼主| 发表于 2015-7-19 19:25:47 | 显示全部楼层
knightf6 发表于 2015-7-19 18:52
我记得一战的时候,重机枪还有这种间接射击战术,用于预设阵地防御,事先测定好杀伤区域,似乎能打到2500米

Indirect fire was used as often as possible. Known communication trench positions, tracks and other targets that were out of direct view were plotted and came under bursts of machine gun fire in the hope of causing losses.


Whitehead, Ralph J. (2012-08-30). The Other Side of the Wire Volume 1: With the German XIV Reserve Corps on the Somme, September 1914-June 1916 (Kindle Locations 8415-8417). Casemate Publishers. Kindle Edition.

Here the Germans constructed a triangular – shaped field fortification called the Nordwerk. (4) Machine guns were established here and played an important role in providing overhead fire during the fight for Ovillers, particularly on 1 July 1916, until it, too, was outflanked and had to be abandoned.


Sheldon, Jack (2006-09-15). Germans at Thiepval (Battleground Somme) (Kindle Locations 1437-1439). Pen & Sword Books. Kindle Edition.

Now we have to send a runner to the Battalion Headquarters in Luisenhof 15, to brief them and request that they bring down overhead machine gun fire to support us as soon as they see our red signal flares.


Sheldon, Jack (2007-03-28). German Army on the Somme 1914-1916 (Kindle Locations 7441-7442). Casemate Publishing. Kindle Edition.

英军视角的综述
New methods of fire On a tactical level, the most important effect of the creation of the MGC was the gradual adoption of new methods offire, which took advantage of the unique characteristics of machine gun fire. The curved trajectory followed by the bullets, and the precision and predictability which was afforded by the use of a irm mount, permitted machine guns to conduct two types of long-range fire that were denied to other small arms. First, they were capable of being fired over the heads of friendly troops. Naturally this had long been undertaken where guns could be fired at, or from, some topographical eminence. It had been done in the Russo-Japanese War and the British had used the same technique even earlier, on the North West Frontier of India. However, the natural trajectory of bullets, coupled with the fact that the elevation of the machine gun could be precisely set and controlled, enabled overhead fire to be conducted on completely lat terrain. The range would be taken, and mathematical calculations made to work out the minimum elevation setting commensurate with the safety of intervening friendly troops. The elevation was then set by placing a clinometer on the body of the gun. It was vitally important that guns firing overhead were irmly mounted, and that there was no chance of the tripod sinking into the ground, even fractionally. Barrels that had fired more than 12,000 (or, for preference, 8,000) rounds were not used in guns firing overhead. Wooden stakes or cross-bars might be used to prevent over-zealous gunners from traversing, elevating or depressing their weapon outside safe parameters. Later, special stops, fulilling the same function, were extemporized for the tripod. The workshops of Second Army are recorded as producing quantities of these in the spring of 1917. Obviously, firing from the lank would usually obviate the need for these elaborate procedures, as well as subjecting the enemy to enfilade fire. However, the trench lines of the Western Front seldom offered the opportunity to take up flanking positions – at least until they were broken into in the course of attacks – so overhead fire became a much-used technique. The Guards Division made a notable early use of it at the Battle of Loos, against Hill 70.


Cornish, Paul (2012-07-23). Machine-Guns and the Great War (Kindle Locations 1472-1488). Casemate Academic. Kindle Edition.

The second important new method of exploiting the fire-characteristics of machine guns was the use of indirect fire – i.e. the use of machine guns as small artillery pieces, engaging targets that were not visible to the gunners. The theory behind this technique had long been understood. At the instigation of Lieutenant Parker, the US Army had conducted experiments with it (albeit unsuccessfully) as early as 1908. More sustained research, and the mathematical work required to provide a reliable basis for the conduct of such fire, was carried out by a group of British enthusiasts at the Hythe musketry school. However, it was 1915 before such fire was successfully carried out in the field. Captain Wright dates its adoption for general use to the winter of 1915– 16, calling it the ‘type of fire. long advocated by machine-gun experts, ‘‘ cranks’’ to their enemies, ‘‘ enthusiasts’’ to their friends’. To conduct such fire the proposed target would be located on a map, and the position of the machine gun relative to it would be determined with ruler and protractor. It is, of course, no accident that the first use of this technique in the field coincided with the production of accurate maps of the Front. 11 Calculations would be made to determine the gun’s potential cone of fire and the trajectory of its bullets (an important consideration if firing over the head of friendly troops). A clinometer, combined with the graduated elevation dial itted to the tripod, would be employed to set the gun to the correct elevation (the dial was replaced by a simpler and more intuitive wheel in 1918). From 1915 onwards, the tripod was also itted with a direction dial at the base of the crosshead. As per overhead fire, it was necessary to ensure that the gun was irmly emplaced (generally by placing sandbags on the tripod legs) and unable to sink into the ground. Aiming posts would be driven into the ground, enabling the gunner to change swiftly between different pre-selected target areas (for night shooting, shaded lamps might be employed to provide aiming marks). Such changes would be made either in conformity with a timetable, or in response to prearranged SOS signals from the infantry (the standard SOS signal at this time was a red lare). Initially the effectiveness of such fire was wholly reliant upon the expertise and dedication of the officer responsible for setting up the guns. By 1917 however, the training centre at Grantham had produced specialized graphs and slide-rules for use in setting up indirect fire, as the technique had, by this time become central to the tactics of the MGC. Austro-Hungarian machine-gunners were also versed in the techniques of indirect and overhead fire – possibly this was the fruit of their early experimentation at Bruck. It was to remain enshrined in their tactical instructions until 1918, although Austrian machine gun officers captured by the British in Italy asserted that, although they had been trained in these techniques, none, by this stage of the war, were using them in the field. Indirect fire was used to harass the enemy, and to deny him safe access to areas of ‘dead ground’. It was not introduced without a certain amount of controversy. Baker-Carr himself was not enamoured of the tactic. While he reigned supreme at the BEF Machine Gun School, the technique was recommended for searching roads and approaches by night ‘a most eficient and disconcerting form of ‘‘ Hate’’ if properly employed and regarded, mainly, as a side show’, but he disagreed with commanders who had machine guns ‘diverted from their proper uses and converted into “Pocket Howitzers’’’. Captain Dunn was moved to complain that ‘The command and position of these weapons had been removed yet farther from the front; less and less were they available for direct and opportune fire, and more were they practised on hypothetical targets on the map; it was not unknown in those days for hundredweights of lead to be buried in some intervening bank or elevation.’ Proponents of indirect fire were nevertheless bolstered in their enthusiasm for it by three factors. First, the fact the small arms ammunition was relatively cheap, and available in huge quantities. Secondly, work had to be found for the machine guns which found front-line positions increasingly untenable due to the ever-increasing weight of artillery and mortar fire that they attracted. Thirdly they quoted the statements of German prisoners who had endured such fire. Various limitations on the effectiveness of indirect fire are scrupulously noted in a British machine gun training pamphlet of May 1917, but ‘In spite of these limitations, indirect fire, according to information of prisoners and deserters, has caused a considerable amount of moral and material effect 12 on the enemy.’ Ernst Jünger, in his famous memoir Storm of Steel recalled being on the receiving end of indirect harassing fire on the Somme: ‘We were especially irritated by one machine-gunner who sprayed his bullets at such an angle that they came down vertically, with acceleration produced by sheer gravity. There was absolutely no point in trying to duck behind walls.’ 13 His shaky grasp of ballistics does not conceal his dislike of the sensation.

Cornish, Paul (2012-07-23). Machine-Guns and the Great War (Kindle Locations 1512-1549). Casemate Academic. Kindle Edition.
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发表于 2015-7-20 02:11:28 | 显示全部楼层
也就是说800步、600步这样的距离开火能造成的实际杀伤也超出普遍想象了
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发表于 2015-7-20 16:40:58 来自手机 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 Gustavus 于 2015-7-20 18:12 编辑
tblzd 发表于 2015-7-20 02:11
也就是说800步、600步这样的距离开火能造成的实际杀伤也超出普遍想象了


按照赛德利茨少尉的记录,1807年但泽围城战有1600步(1000米)距离上被大量打伤的极端案例
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发表于 2015-7-20 20:17:29 | 显示全部楼层
Gustavus 发表于 2015-7-20 16:40
按照赛德利茨少尉的记录,1807年但泽围城战有1600步(1000米)距离上被大量打伤的极端案例

是守军在城上达成的么
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发表于 2015-7-20 23:07:31 | 显示全部楼层
虽然对滑膛枪的射击距离有过极限估计,但也不过估到200~300M,曲射这种打击方法实在是令人大开眼界。
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 楼主| 发表于 2015-7-20 23:42:27 | 显示全部楼层
tblzd 发表于 2015-7-20 20:17
是守军在城上达成的么

城外多面堡争夺战中法军实现的……
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